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These times present a very unique situation: the inaugural US march of the babysitters. Their attributes range in their qualifications and characteristics, but they all share the same objective – to stop an Israeli infringement, or even devastation, of the fragile ceasefire. After the war concluded, there have been scant days without at least one of the former president's delegates on the ground. Only this past week featured the arrival of a senior advisor, a businessman, a senator and a political figure – all appearing to execute their duties.

The Israeli government keeps them busy. In just a few days it initiated a wave of attacks in Gaza after the loss of two Israeli military soldiers – resulting, according to reports, in many of Palestinian injuries. A number of officials demanded a renewal of the fighting, and the Knesset passed a initial measure to incorporate the occupied territories. The US stance was somehow ranging from “no” and “hell no.”

But in various respects, the American government appears more focused on maintaining the present, tense period of the truce than on advancing to the subsequent: the rehabilitation of the Gaza Strip. Regarding this, it seems the United States may have ambitions but no specific plans.

Currently, it is unknown when the proposed multinational oversight committee will truly take power, and the same is true for the designated peacekeeping troops – or even the makeup of its soldiers. On Tuesday, Vance stated the US would not dictate the structure of the foreign unit on the Israeli government. But if the prime minister's government continues to refuse multiple options – as it did with the Ankara's suggestion lately – what follows? There is also the reverse point: which party will determine whether the forces preferred by the Israelis are even prepared in the task?

The matter of how long it will need to demilitarize Hamas is equally ambiguous. “The expectation in the administration is that the multinational troops is going to now take the lead in neutralizing Hamas,” remarked the official this week. “That’s going to take some time.” Trump further highlighted the lack of clarity, stating in an discussion a few days ago that there is no “fixed” deadline for Hamas to demilitarize. So, hypothetically, the unknown participants of this still unformed global contingent could arrive in the territory while Hamas members still remain in control. Would they be dealing with a administration or a insurgent group? Among the many of the issues emerging. Others might ask what the verdict will be for average civilians under current conditions, with Hamas carrying on to attack its own political rivals and opposition.

Recent events have once again highlighted the omissions of Israeli media coverage on each side of the Gazan frontier. Each source seeks to analyze every possible aspect of Hamas’s breaches of the ceasefire. And, typically, the fact that the organization has been hindering the repatriation of the remains of deceased Israeli captives has taken over the headlines.

On the other hand, attention of non-combatant fatalities in Gaza resulting from Israeli strikes has received minimal notice – if any. Take the Israeli retaliatory actions following Sunday’s Rafah event, in which two troops were killed. While Gaza’s sources reported 44 deaths, Israeli television commentators complained about the “limited reaction,” which focused on just facilities.

This is nothing new. During the past weekend, Gaza’s media office accused Israeli forces of infringing the ceasefire with the group 47 occasions after the truce began, killing dozens of Palestinians and harming another 143. The allegation was irrelevant to most Israeli media outlets – it was just missing. Even reports that 11 members of a Palestinian household were killed by Israeli soldiers recently.

The emergency services said the family had been seeking to go back to their dwelling in the a Gaza City area of Gaza City when the transport they were in was attacked for supposedly crossing the “demarcation line” that demarcates areas under Israeli military command. That yellow line is invisible to the ordinary view and is visible solely on plans and in official records – sometimes not available to ordinary people in the area.

Even that incident hardly received a reference in Israeli news outlets. One source referred to it in passing on its digital site, quoting an IDF official who said that after a suspicious vehicle was detected, forces fired cautionary rounds towards it, “but the transport kept to advance on the troops in a way that posed an direct risk to them. The soldiers engaged to neutralize the threat, in accordance with the agreement.” Zero injuries were claimed.

With this perspective, it is little wonder many Israeli citizens feel Hamas alone is to blame for breaking the truce. That belief risks fuelling calls for a stronger strategy in Gaza.

At some point – perhaps in the near future – it will no longer be sufficient for all the president’s men to act as kindergarten teachers, advising the Israeli government what to avoid. They will {have to|need